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Men diagnosed with manic depression appeared to their doctors, relatives, and friends, "much like women": "excitable, distractable, and talka- tive, his conduct governed less by rational considerations than by plays of fancy" Lun- beck In contrast, dementia praecox later schizophrenia was coded "male. Today the gender differences for manic depression have disappeared: "manic-depressive illness. It would be dangerous to make too much of such statistics, and at this point in my research, I am only speculating, but I wonder if these shifts are linked to the inception of the male manic, seen as potent and effective today despite or more exactly, because of, his instability and irrationality.
Decrying the dominance of free market ideology today and the inability to con- ceptualize alternatives, David Harvey comments sardonically, "It is the supreme ra- tionality of the market versus the silly irrationality of anything else" in press From this vantage point, the excess of CEOs like Ted Turner, whose mania is depicted in the media as talent, is a sign of apprehension: greater knowledge of what capitalism entails and greater fear of what it may require of peo- ple.
It is filled with references to "manic capital," oscillating with depression, and the calamitous conse- quences of both. The drop and rapid recovery of the stock exchange in October , inspired a flurry of domain-crossing remarks, such as, "If Wall Street were a person we'd think he was mentally ill" Uchitelle Similarly, during the market swings of , the Atlanta Journal and Constitution quoted stock analyst Alfred Goldman's description of a "manic-depressive period in the market—a first-quarter with 'manic' gains and a second quarter with 'depressive' losses" Walker Now, going from euphoria to depression is de rigueur.
The trouble is, these market gyrations have consequences: they are highly distressing to investors' psyches and exceedingly costly to their portfolios. The market is hyper, manic-depressive" Magnier As the oscillations continued into , Internet day trader James J. It has to stop the manic-depressive behavior before it drives us all crazy" Kahn There are those in the financial world today—called "contrarian"—who disparage the cur- rent stock market as dangerously inflated and urge a high degree of caution in "mind- ing Mr.
Market," who is always changing his mind Grant xxi. To return briefly to an earlier time, with the onset of the Age of Rea- son in 17th-century Europe, many of those deemed irrational were removed from so- ciety. All forms of unreason, which in the Middle Ages had been part of a divine woYld and in the Renaissance a secularizing world, the civil world of commerce, morality, and work, in short—beyond the pale of the rational world—were placed under lock and key.
The arrangement that presented the insane as wild and dangerous beasts was an ap- peal to the public to accept the moral yardstick of the absolute state as its own meas- ure of reason. That the absolute animal freedom of the insane could be dealt with only by means of absolute force, that they were to be viewed as objects of a process of obe- dience training, that their aberrations had to be countered by rational truth, their vio- lence by corporal punishment, and finally, that the threat they posed to society was transformed into demonstrable powerlessness, gave exemplary and clear emphasis to the goals and sanctions of this moral and political appeal.
Is this appearance of mania as a characteristic of the successful entrepreneur so dramatic a change from the previous nearly two centuries? Is this shift scary enough to contribute to the appeal of highly rationalist theories of the normal brain?
The fear in question is not, as in Laqueur's case , focused on out-of-control female pas- sions. Instead, the fear is focused on male passions that might need to be out of con- trol to be powerful in the market—to manifest themselves in the form of the male manic as a potent, risk-taking entrepreneur. Whatever one makes of the idea that fear could be involved in the appeal of neuroreductionism, fear does reside like a dark shadow over the gleeful play of mania.
For example, consider two photographs of Ted Turner in a Saturday Evening Post article on manic depression. The photographs, which juxtapose him in his somber CEO role and his manic yachtsman role, are cap- tioned in a somber tone: "Ted Turner's father, like Ernest Hemingway's [and of course like Ernest Hemingway himself] ended his life with a gun" SerVaas Another approach to understanding the social context of the rise of neurophi- losophy is to ask: what kind of subjectivity would such a theory support?
Could neuroreductionism be considered a kind of govern mentality, one of those "technolo- gies and theoretical accounts by which individuals [are] rendered thinkable as gov- ernable subjects" Poovey In A History of the Modern Fact, Mary Poovey argues that in the 18th century, when the rule of monarchy and hereditary privilege were in peril, the essays of moral philosophers such as Daniel Defoe contained "theo- ries about liberal self- government and the mode of subjectivity that enabled indi- viduals to govern themselves" xix.
The moral philosophers elaborated the inte- riority of the individual, contributing to a theory of liberal government that depended on self rule and voluntary compliance by individuals Poovey Elabo- rating theories of the universality of human nature built a path to social order; if every- one was motivated by the same desires, then human actions involving the new stock market, financial institutions, and voyages to distant lands would be orderly and un- derstandable, not chaotic and incomprehensible Poovey There may be no social change in the recent past on the same order as the col- lapse of monarchy in the 18th century.
Simultaneously, and not independently, in many European and U. At the federal level, welfare, educational, health, work, and community programs have been severely truncated or eliminated. At the corporate level, large, geographically stable industries had been tied to a locale by their huge investment in manufacturing equipment, and thus once supported local communities for generations.
In recent years, local commu- nities have been threatened. To cite a specific example of a general trend, Ciba- Geigy, a pharmaceutical company, and the agricultural and drug company Sandoz have merged, spun-off their chemical manufacturing divisions, and formed a new company, Novartis, devoted to research in the life sciences.
About ten percent of the two companies' workforces will be downsized, and more than half of their plants worldwide, as well as the Summit headquarters, will be closed. In this envi- ronment, if engineers survive the merger, downsizing, and divestment, they might still find their entire body of expertise obsolete.
Their community and family ties would al- most certainly be threatened by a change in residence, and it would probably not be for the last time. As many overarching social institutions of the corporation and state shrink, the individual becomes like a node in a network. People are not necessarily isolated on separate islands, but the energy to move from node to node in the network must re- side in the individual, and the individual must become the site for investment of re- sources—or so it seems to me.
The person comes to be made up of a flexible collec- tion of assets; a person is proprietor of his or her self as a portfolio. In the s, there was an increase in home-based work telecommuting , which separates the worker from the traditional workplace. According to a poll, 19 percent of U. Individuals "shapeshift" in their changing environments, accumulating and investing information and resources Pulley People with the resources to do so are increasingly speaking of themselves as mini-corporations, collections of assets that must be continually invested in, nur- tured, managed, and developed.
There is a sense in which, as the nation-state yields its prominence in world affairs to the multi-national corporation, individuals move from being citizens, oriented to the interests of the nation, to being mini-corporations, oriented primarily to their own interests in global flows of capital Gupta and Fer- guson ; Maurer I can suggest three possibilities: first, our behavior depends on our brains, not on our sociality. Our ac- tivities are fundamentally generated by brain states, not by social context.
Second, the brain is a product of evolution, itself a process of competition for scarce resources. We can be counted on to strive for our survival even in the absence of sociality. Third, we are all unless we are abnormal made up of the same neural structures, and can therefore be counted on to produce similar behavior in similar environments. Nor is this vision just theoretical. We make progress not toward a particular, certain, and uni- form destination but toward many different, personally determined, and incremental goals.
In a global sense, "progress" is the product of those parallel individual searches: the extension of knowledge and the gradual improvement of people's lives—an in- crease in comfort, in life options, in the opportunity for "diversified, worthwhile expe- rience.
If 18th-century fear in the face of collapsing monarchies was allayed by the study of universal human motivations that would structure behavior and stave off anarchy, perhaps late 20th-century fear in the face of collapsing public and corporate supra-individual supports is being allayed by the study of universal human neural matter that will structure cognition and behavior and also stave off anarchy in the relative absence of supra-individual social life.
Whenever a new kind of knowledge makes claims to a superior account of the world or of humanity, particular sets of experts will rise to the occasion. Most obvi- ously in the case of neurons, they are cognitive scientists of all kinds.
Less obviously, they include pharmacologists of the brain producers of drugs such as Ritalin, Lithium, or Depakote, often described as "managers" who can optimize mental states. If 18th- century moral and political writing attempted to moderate the female passions of speculative man, late 20th-century pharmacology attempts to harness for particular purposes the male passion, energy, and risk-taking of the entrepreneurial man.
In Tom Wolfe's A Man in Full, the mayor discusses the high-rise towers of midtown Atlanta and how they demonstrate the city is not a regional center, but a national one: "He gestured vaguely toward the towers that reached up far above them.
Just the right amount of mania? Evidently we can even strive to optimize irrationality. If the social contract was originally seen as a means of keeping unruly individuals in order, we have now arrived at an odd and chilling reversal: order and rationality now reside in the mind or brain of individuals, and disorder reigns and is celebrated in social institutions like the market.
Rationality flows in the neural nets of the ordi- nary human's brain, while irrationality mania characterizes the risk-blind "crazy" CEOs celebrated by Time in a section of the special issue, " Builders and Titans" Famham Rationality and control are inside the ordinary individual, without the individual connecting to any social context, while irrational excess char- acterizes the Titans of Wall Street, even as they become so colossal that they begin to act like states, contributing billions to the United Nations UN or signing agreements with municipal and state governments.
When the richest people in the world had a net worth equal to the combined income of the poorest 45 percent of the world—2. We will not be called in as experts in those fields.
Where we are in- creasingly called in as experts in corporations we are sometimes seen as cultural pharmacologists—technicians who know how to tweak the culture here or there to optimize performance, including a modicum of crazy risk-taking to insure innova- tions Jones Ethnography has been called an alternative form of knowledge about human nature, one that largely does not aspire to universals, fundamentals, or units of knowledge that can be used like blocks to build up structures.
Instead of breaking nature down into apparently constituent parts, the knowledge ethnography produces re instantiates experience of the world or presents it imaginatively. But even more crucially, ethnography could be regarded as a technology of sociality, contrib- uting to a world in which individuals are only thinkable as subjects insofar as they participate in cultural and social activities. In a world where such a view becomes entrenched, perhaps "reduction" of the social and cultural would feel like a violent ad.
Veena Das has traced the outlines of the fault line, often raised up by literally unspeakable physical violence, between ac- tions that can be incorporated into the human form of life and actions that can- not—that instead "tear apart the very fabric of life" Das shows that a simi- lar edge appears in panic rumors when language loses its "signature" and "both the source of speech and the trustworthiness of convention" are destroyed There is a "mounting panic in which the medium of rumor leads to the dismantling of relations of trust at times of communal riots Once a thought of a certain vulner- ability is lost—the world is engulfed without limit" So high are the stakes in preserving a robust sense that human life is cultural, not only neuronal, that we might hyperbolize that neuroreductionism is like a panic rumor—and, as Das says of panic rumors, "access to context seems to disappear" Neuroreductionism could make social context seem to disappear despite its cen- tral focus on communication.
In the computational neuroscience model, individuals communicate, brain to brain, like nodes in a network, not like elaborately interwoven threads in a vibrant cultural tapestry. Similarly, Talal Asad argues that statisti- cal accounts lead us to think in terms of how one individual's behavior varies from another's within a population, rather than in terms of the cultural forms that comprise meaning—distribution of traits instead of social types or characters.
Statistics depend on and use the "liberal conception of modern society as an aggregate of individual agents [citizens of the state] choosing freely and yet—in aggregate—predictably" Asad Perhaps talking and thinking in terms of neural nets will lead us one step further and encourage us to think of subunits of individuals as the components of which groups are made.
By describing the inelucta- bly social and cultural complexity of human actions, ethnography renders individuals thinkable only as social beings, and thus ethnography stands up to neurological foun- dationalism the new guise of "nature" , saying: we are not all alike, though we are re- lated; we are only human insofar as we are connected to others; human experience is active and inventive, not static and constrained; we may be a product of evolution, but its imperatives do not exhaust the reasons for our actions; because of humans' im- mense cultural variability, the fund of experience people can draw on to produce knowledge about the self is far greater than anything brain science can teach us about human capacities.
Our writing, teaching, speaking, and filming can both describe these aspects of human experience and actually bring them into existence by creating conversational relationships to our audiences.
The goal is not to free ourselves from all governmental ity, but to set in motion a governmental ity that can counter biologism by insisting on imagining human consciousness as made up of the social and cultural. Ellen Lewin developed the intriguing theme and shepherded the conferees through a very stimulating and enjoyable stay in Portland, OR. In this passage, Grosz explains how dichotomized terms are ranked hierarchically: Given the prevailing binarized or dichotomized categories governing Western reason and the privilege accorded to one term over the other in binary pairs mind over body, culture over nature, self over other, reason over passions, and so on , it is necessary to examine the subordinated, negative, or excluded term, body as the unacknowledged condition of the dominant term, reason The body has been and still is closely associated with women and the feminine, whereas the mind remains connected to men and the masculine.
Commentators on this book remarked, "she is. A point I have no space to develop here is that the Churchlands and their San Diego col- leagues stress plasticity far more than Lakoff and Johnson do. One close colleague of the Churchlands does a particularly good job making the plasticity of the brain vivid: V. Ramachandran, a neurologist who with the help of Sandra Blakeslee has written about the ex- periences of his patients whose amputated limbs continue to hurt, itch, and feel as if they were still attached.
Working with a patient whose lower arm had been amputated 10 years ago, Ramachandran found that the parts of the brain once sending and receiving signals to and from the missing hand now sent and received signals to and from hand shaped patches on the pa- tient's cheek and on his upper arm.
When the patient was touched on these areas, he felt sensa- tion on his cheek or upper arm, but simultaneously, he also felt it in the fingers, thumb, and so on, of his severed hand.
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